The United Front (United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, UIF, Jabha-yi Muttahid-i Islami-yi Milli bara-yi Nijat-i Afghanistan), known in the West as the Afghan Northern Alliance, was a military-political umbrella organization created by the Islamic State of Afghanistan in 1996. The organization united various ethnic groups of Afghanistan fighting against the Pakistani invasion of Afghanistan through the Afghan Taliban.
When the Taliban took power in Kabul in 1996 with the help of Pakistan, Osama Bin Laden and Saudi Arabia many Afghans united under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud to create the United Front. This union did not consist, as spread in the Pakistani media and later in the West, of a "Northern Alliance" thus only the "northern states" of Afghanistan, but included resistance forces from all parts and all major ethnicities of the country. The United Front included Tajiks, Pashtuns, Hazaras, Uzbeks, Turkmen and others.
In late 2001, after the terrorist attacks on U.S. soil that killed 3 000 people, with assistance from the United States armed forces and U.S. special forces, the United Front succeeded in retaking control from the Taliban in Afghanistan. Despite fears of a return to the chaos similar to that of the 1992-1996 civil war, all the different UIF factions accepted the new Karzai administration led by Afghan President Hamid Karzai.
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The best-known commanders beside Ahmad Shah Massoud of the United Front were:
Many of the above commanders were not in one of the political parties which officially suscribed themselves to the United Front. The political parties in contrast to the above mentioned commanders played only a minor role in the war against the Taliban:
The two main political candidates in the Afghan Presidential Elections of 2009 both worked for the United Front:
The Islamic State of Afghanistan (ISA) which had been created after the Soviet and Afghan communist defeat, whose president was Burhanuddin Rabbani and whose defense minister was Ahmad Shah Massoud, from 1992 until 1995 came under heavy attack by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar with strong Pakistani support (later joined by Dostum backed by Uzbekistan and Mazari's Wahdat controlled by Iran). From 1995 onwards the Islamic State of Afghanistan came under attack by Mullah Omar's Taliban, Pakistan and Al Qaeda. In October 1996 the Taliban with their allies succeeded in taking power in Kabul.
Ahmad Shah Massoud, who still represented the legitimate government of Afghanistan as recognized by most foreign countries and the United Nations, and Abdul Rashid Dostum, one of his former archnemesis, for the survival of their remaining territories were forced to create an alliance against the Taliban, Pakistan and Al Qaeda coalition which was about to attack the areas of Massoud and those of Dostum.[1] see video The alliance was called United Front but in the Western and Pakistani media became known as the Northern Alliance.
As the Taliban committed massacres, especially among the Shia and Hazara population which they regarded as "sub-humans" worse than "non-believers" an thus according to them were without any rights [2] many Hazaras fled to the area of Massoud. The Hezb-i Wahdat, main faction of the Hazaras, consequently also joined the United Front. The National Geographic concluded: "The only thing standing in the way of future Taliban massacres is Ahmad Shah Massoud."[2] In the following years many more were to join the United Front. These included Afghans and Afghan commanders from all regions and Afghan ethnicities including many Pashtuns such as Commanders Abdul Haq, Haji Abdul Qadir and Qari Baba, politician Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai and future Afghan president Hamid Karzai.
The United Front vowed to set up a non-extremist government in the nine to ten northern provinces under their control. The presence of the Russian Consul General in Mazar-i-Sharif, Oleg Nevelayev, signaled diplomatic support from Russia. At that moment, the Taliban controlled all the other provinces of Afghanistan, except a part of Parwan Province north of Kabul that was held by Ahmad Shah Massoud's forces.[3][4][5]. From the Taliban conquest in 1996 until November 2001 the UIF controlled roughly 30% of Afghanistan's population in provinces such as Badakhshan, Kapisa, Takhar and parts of Parwan, Kunar, Nuristan, Laghman, Samangan, Qunduz, Ghor and Bamiyan, all in the north of the country.
Weaponry
The Northern Alliance's air element was made up from aircraft that were brought to Afghanistan by the Soviet Union in the 1980s, as well as of those delivered by the alliance's allies later. This consisted of MiG-21s, Mi-8, Mi-17s and Mi-24s.[6] They were engaged in heavy combat with the Taliban ground and air forces and few survived.
In the beginning, in 1997, there were many political and military leaders who each had their base and area of power. Over the years, however, the only leader to successfully defend most of his area against the Taliban, Pakistan and Al Qaeda was Ahmad Shah Massoud. Some other leaders and commanders retained small areas under their control. Dostum's Junbish, however, who was the strongest force in several northern provinces from 1992 to 1997, was riven by internal disputes. Since the fall of Mazar-i Sharif in 1998 Dostum and Junbish were largely inactive. Dostum went into exile. The president, Burhanuddin Rabbani (Jamiat), also left for exile.
Massoud was the only main Afghan leader who never left Afghanistan for exile. All the other leaders at one point or another in the fight against the Taliban had left Afghanistan. In 2001, when Massoud with a delegation of national unity visited the European Parliament in Brussels, he had thus become the undisputed political and military leader of the United Front. He personally commanded around 10,000 of the UIF's estimated formerly 40,000 troops. Massoud's were the most disciplined and the best trained troops within the UIF. Ahmad Shah Massoud had been named "The Afghan who won the cold war" by the Wall Street Journal.[7] He had defeated the Soviet Red Army nine times in his home region of Panjshir, in north-eastern Afghanistan.[8]
The Taliban repeatedly offered Massoud a position of power to make him stop his resistance. Massoud declined for he did not fight for the sake of power. He explained in one interview: "The Taliban say: “Come and accept the post of prime minister and be with us”, and they would keep the highest office in the country, the presidentship. But for what price?! The difference between us concerns mainly our way of thinking about the very principles of the society and the state. We can not accept their conditions of compromise, or else we would have to give up the principles of modern democracy. We are fundamentally against the system called “the Emirate of Afghanistan”. I would like to return to the question of the emirate in a moment. In fact it is Pakistan that is responsible for deepening the crack between the ethnic groups in Afghanistan. It is again the old method of “divide and rule”. Pakistanis want to make sure that this country will not have any sovereign power for a long time."[9] Massoud, instead, wanted to convince the Taliban to join a political process which would have ensured the holding of democratic elections in a foreseeable future.[9] His proposals for peace can be seen here: Proposal for Peace, promoted by Commander Massoud.
Pervez Musharraf - then as Chief of Army Staff - was responsible for sending scores of regular Pakistani army troops to fight alongside the Taliban and Bin Laden against Ahmad Shah Massoud.[2][10] Some sources estimate that about 3.000 Pakistani army soldiers had been deployed alongside the Taliban in just one of the major battles.[11] In total there were believed to be 28 000 Pakistani nationals fighting alongside the Taliban. American journalist Sebastian Junger who frequently travels to war zones stated in March 2001: "They [the Taliban] receive a tremendous amount of support by Pakistan. ... without that involvement by Pakistan the Taliban would really be forced to negotiate ..."[7] Massoud stated in early 2001 that without the support by Pakistan the Taliban would not be able to sustain their military campaign for up to a year.[12] "The Taliban are not a force to be considered invincible. They are distanced from the people now. They are weaker than in the past. There is only the assistance given by Pakistan, Osama bin Laden and other extremist groups that keep the Taliban on their feet. With a halt to that assistance, it is extremely difficult to survive."[13] He also said: "There should be an Afghanistan where every Afghan finds himself or herself happy. And I think that can only be assured by democracy based on consensus."[13] In early 2001 Massoud employed a new strategy of local military pressure and global political appeals.[14] His plans was for his allies to seed small revolts around Afghanistan in the areas where the Afghans wanted to rise against the Taliban. Resentment was increasingly gathering against Taliban rule from the bottom of Afghan society including the Pashtun areas.[14] Massoud would publicize their cause "popular consensus, general elections and democracy" worldwide. Massoud was very wary not to revive the failed Kabul government of the early 1990s.[14] Instead, already in 1999, he started the training of police forces which he trained specifically in order to keep order and protect the civilian population in case the United Front would be successful.[15]
In spring 2001, Ahmad Shah Massoud addressed the European Parliament in Brussels stating that behind the situation in Afghanistan there was the regime in Pakistan.[12] He also stated his conviction that without the support of Pakistan, Osama Bin Laden and Saudi Arabia the Taliban would not be able to sustain their military campaign for up to a year, also because the Afghan population was ready to raise against them.[12] Addressing the United States specifically he issued the warning that should the U.S. not work for peace in Afghanistan and put pressure on Pakistan to cease their support to the Taliban, the problems of Afghanistan would soon become the problems of the U.S. and the world.
On September 9, 2001, two Arab suicide attackers allegedly belonging to Al Qaeda, posing as journalists, detonated a bomb hidden in a video camera while interviewing Ahmed Shah Massoud. Commander Massoud died in a helicopter that was taking him to a hospital. Massoud was buried in his home village of Bazarak in the Panjshir Valley.[16] The funeral, although happening in a rather rural area, was attended by hundreds of thousands of people. Sad day (video clip).
Afghan journalist Fahim Dashty summarized: "He was the only one, ever, to serve Afghanistan, to serve Afghans. To do a lot of things for Afghanistan, for Afghans. And we lost him ..." see video Well-known journalist Sebastian Junger reports: "A lot of people who knew him felt that he was the best hope for that part of the world."[8]
The assassination on September 9, 2001, was not the first time Al Qaeda, the Taliban, the Pakistani ISI and before them the Soviet KGB, the Afghan communist KHAD and Hekmatyar had tried to assassinate Massoud. He survived countless assassination attempts over a period of 26 years. The first attempt on Massoud's life was carried out by Hekmatyar and two Pakistani ISI agents in 1975 when Massoud was only 22 years old.[17] In early 2001 Al Qaeda would-be assassins were captured by Massoud's forces while trying to enter his territory.[14]
Connection to September 11, 2001
The assassination of Massoud is considered to have a strong connection to the September 11, 2001 attacks on U.S. soil which killed nearly 3000 people and which appeared to be the terrorist attack that Massoud had warned against in his speech to the European Parliament several months earlier.
John P. O'Neill was a counter-terrorism expert and the Assistant Director of the FBI until late 2001. He retired from the FBI and was offered the position of director of security at the World Trade Center (WTC). He took the job at the WTC two weeks before 9/11. On September 10, 2001, John O’Neill told two of his friends, "We're due. And we're due for something big. ... Some things have happened in Afghanistan [referring to the assassination of Massoud]. I don’t like the way things are lining up in Afghanistan. ... I sense a shift, and I think things are going to happen. ... soon."[18] John O'Neill died on September 11, 2001, when the south tower collapsed.[18]
For many days the United Front denied the death of Massoud for fear of desperation among their people. The United Front managed to hold together, however. The slogan "Now we are all Massoud" became a unifying battle cry. Mohammed Qasim Fahim, the next most senior commander, succeeded Massoud a few days later. It were Massoud's troops who ousted the Taliban from power in Kabul in 2001 with American air support after the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 on U.S. soil had killed 3000 people. In November and December 2001 the United Front gained control of much of the country. The United Front also played a crucial role in establishing the post-Taliban interim government in late 2001.
The United Front, from 1996 to 2001, was the only force who blocked the Taliban and their Pakistani and Al Qaeda allies from gaining total control over all of Afghanistan. Many refugees found shelter in the areas of Ahmad Shah Massoud.
After the attacks of September 11, 2001, on U.S. soil (which killed 3000 people) the Massoud's troops ousted the Taliban from power in Kabul with American air support. In November and December 2001 the United Front gained control of much of the country. This was facilitated by extensive bombing of Taliban forces and military infrastructure by the United States during the U.S.-led attack on Afghanistan. Had it not been for the United Front the U.S. would have needed to engage hundreds of thousands of ground forces to Afghanistan in October 2001 in order to fight the Taliban.
The human rights situation during combat was heavily dependent on the specific commander and his troops. The situation for different leaders and their troops of the United Front thus shows sharp contrasts. Also, the quality of life of the Afghan population was heavenly dependent on the specific leader that was directly controlling the area in which they lived. Sharp contrasts could also be witnessed regarding life and structures in those areas.
Area of Massoud Massoud directly controlled the Panjshir, some other parts of Parwan and Thakar province. Some parts of Badakshan were under his influence while others were controlled by Burhanuddin Rabbani with whom Massoud had some peaceful disputes. (Badakshan is the home region of Rabbani.)
Combat
Except for the sad case of a rocket unintentionally hitting a crowded market in Kabul in 1998, Human Rights Watch cites no human rights crimes for Massoud's troops in the period from October 1996 until the assassination of Massoud in September 2001.
Life of the Afghan population
One refugee who cramped his family of 27 into an old jeep to flee from the Taliban to the area of Massoud described Massoud's territory as "the last tolerant corner of Afghanistan".[1] About his life in Massoud's area he stated:"I feel freedom here. I like ... you know, nobody bothers me. I do my job. I take care of my family. The way which I like I live in this area."[1] Of course this refers only to the areas under direct control of Massoud like the Panjshir. Massoud had only little influence on the lives of people living for example in the areas of Rashid Dostum (who had joined the United Front to fight the Taliban.)
Massoud Signs the Women's Rights Charta
In the area of Massoud women and girls did not have to wear the Afghan burqa. They were allowed to work and to go to school. In at least two known instances Massoud personally intervened against cases of forced marriage.[15] While it was Massoud's stated conviction that men and women are equal and should enjoy the same rights, he also had to deal with Afghan traditions which he said would need a generation or more to overcome. In his opinion that could only be achieved through education.[15]
Creation of Democratic Institutions
Massoud created democratic institutions which were structured into several committees: political, health, education and economic.[15] Still, many people came to him personally when they had a dispute or problem and asked him to solve their problems.[15]
Hundreds of thousands of refugees
Hundreds of thousands of refugees fled the Taliban to the areas of Massoud. Most of them were Hazara, moderate intellectuals or just normal people who wanted to flee oppression. There was a huge humanitarian problem because there was not enough to eat for both the existing population and the refugees. In 2001 Massoud and a French journalist described the bitter situation of the refugees and asked for humanitarian help.[19] see video
Area of Dostum Until the defeat of Dostum by the Taliban in 1998 he controlled the following provinces: Samangan, Balkh, Jowzjan, Faryab, and Baghlan provinces. According to Human Rights Watch many of the violations of international humanitarian law committed by the United Front forces date from 1996-1998[20] when Dostum controlled most of the north.
Combat
According to Human Rights Watch in 1997 some 3,000 captured Taliban soldiers were summarily executed in and around Mazar-i Sharif by Dostum's Junbish forces under the command of Gen. Abdul Malik Pahlawan. The killings followed Malik's withdrawal from a brief alliance with the Taliban and the capture of the Taliban forces who were trapped in the city.[20] With the U.S. War on Terror, troops loyal to Dostum also returned to combat. In December 2001 during the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan between 250 and 3,000 (depending on sources) Taliban prisoners were shot and/or suffocated to death in metal truck containers, while being transferred by U.S. and United Front (troops loyal to Dostum) soldiers from Kunduz to Sheberghan prison through the Dasht-i-Leili desert in Afghanistan. This became known as the so-called Dasht-i-Leili massacre[21] The transferred prisoners were under supervision of forces loyal to General Rashid Dostum and some of them were survivors of the Battle of Qala-i-Jangi in Mazari Sharif.[22][23][24]. In 2009 Dostum denied the accusations.[25][26][27]
Life of the Afghan population
Dostum belonged to those commanders making their own, often draconian, laws. Especially in Mazar-i Sharif his troops were known to target women in despicable crimes. Dostum, however, fled Afghanistan in 1998.
Human Rights Watch's List
Human Rights Watch asked to actively discourage and refuse support in any way to any group or coalition that includes commanders with a record of serious violations of international humanitarian law standards, naming Abdul Rashid Dostum; Haji Muhammad Muhaqqiq, a senior commander of the Hezb-i Wahdat; Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, leader of the erstwhile Ittihad-i Islami; and Abdul Malik Pahlawan, a former senior Junbish commander.[20]
While the Taliban have been most commonly criticized for their perceived role in the cultivation and distribution of opium, areas controlled by the United Front, such as some areas of Badakshan under Ismaili control, have also been responsible for the cultivation of opium. A 2001 U.N. Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention study found that, following a Taliban ban on opium cultivation, opium production in Afghanistan had dropped 91% in 2001, even though the country had earlier accounted for 71% of the world supply.
The United Front was extremely influential in the transitional Afghan Government of Hamid Karzai from 2001 until 2004. Notably, Mohammed Qasim Fahim became the Vice President and Minister of Defense, Yunus Qanuni became the Minister of Education and Security Advisor and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah became the Foreign Minister. Most foreign observers expected this dominance to continue and for Fahim or Qanuni to be selected as Karzai's Vice President in the 2004 elections. However, Karzai instead selected Ahmad Zia Massoud, younger brother of the former United Front leader Ahmad Shah Massoud. Karzai easily won the 2004 Presidential election with 55.4% of the vote, followed by three former leaders of the UIF, Quanuni (16.3%), Mohaqiq (11.7%) and Dostum (10%).
Some of the military strength of the UIF has now been absorbed into the Military of Afghanistan, while many of the remaining soldiers were disarmed through a nationwide disarmament program. The existence and strength of the Afghan National Army has significantly reduced the threat of the former UIF elements attempting to use military action against the new NATO-backed government. Most of the country's senior military personnel are former members of the UIF, including Defense Minister Abdul Rahim Wardak and General Bismillah Khan.
Some members of the alliance are now part of the United National Front (Afghanistan) which is led by Rabbani and includes some former leaders of the UIF such as Parliamentary Speaker Yunus Qanuni, Mohammed Fahim, and Abdul Rashid Dostum. The United National Front has positioned itself as a "loyal" opposition to Karzai. Others like Abdul Sayyaf claim to be loyal to Hamid Karzai while, however, following their own agenda. Sayyaf has strong ties to the Saudi establishment and wants to create a strong Wahhabi influence on Afghanistan.
Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, a doctor of medicine and one of Ahmad Shah Massoud's closest friends (who is said to have been close to him politically also), ran as an independent candidate in the 2009 Afghan presidential election and came in second place. On November 1, 2009, Abdullah, however, quit the runoff election because of widespread allegations of election fraud against Hamid Karzai.[28] His followers wanted to take to the streets but Abdullah hold them back in order not to endanger the fragile stability of the government. Massoud Khalili, another of Ahmad Shah Massoud's close friends, became ambassador to India and subsequently to Turkey, while the younger brother of Massoud, Ahmad Wali Massoud, serves as ambassador to the United Kingdom. Massoud's ex-commander Bismillah Khan was army chief of staff for a long time rebuilding the Afghan armed forces until he was shifted to the position of interior minister in 2010 by Karzai. One of Massoud's close intelligence agents, Amrullah Saleh, became director of the Afghan National Directorate of Security in 2004 but had to resign in 2010 because of disagreements with Hamid Karzai over how to proceed against the Taliban and Pakistani support to the Taliban.
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